To Shining Sea - Chapter 20
The Disbanding of the Provisional Army, June 14th 1800
The Unveiling of Canadian History, Volume 4.
To Shining Sea – Ireland, Haiti, and Louisiana, and the Idea of a Continental Republic, 1797 – 1804.
Part 2 – The Haitian Frontier
Chapter 20 - The Disbanding of the Provisional Army, June 14th 1800
With the untimely death of General Washington, President Adams, with the help of the ‘republicans’ and ‘public opinion’, and fueled by his growing dislike of General Hamilton, began to dismantle the Provisional Army. Looking at his dwindling chances for re-election, President Adams forced the resignation of his Secretary of State and his Secretary of War who said that it seemed ‘to persuade one that he was actually insane’.
Secretary of War, James McHenry
The new session of Congress was to be the last one held at Philadelphia, before moving to the new capital in the District of Columbia, and the last session before the next presidential elections would take place in November 1800.
In preparing his speech to Congress to open that session, President Adams asked Secretary of War, McHenry:
“to turn your thoughts to the subject of communications both of information and advice necessary to be made to that body at the opening of the session.”
McHenry replied that:
“… at a time, when numerous and momentous changes are daily occurring on the theatre of war in Europe; when every day is preparing or evolving new events in the political world; and while a great belligerent power still retains, or has not disavowed principles acknowledged to be destructive to all other governments, and to social order, and maintains in full force her hostile decrees against the commerce of the United States, it is decidedly the policy and wisdom of the United States, not to relax in her military or naval preparations, but to preserve or assume an attitude, expressive of her determination to secure her rights and to repel injuries … and that the policy of all nations, has shown, that expected or pending negotiations, so far from justifying a relaxation of warlike preparations, have often imposed a necessity for their extension, attended with the most beneficial effects.”
But, when President Adams gave his address to both Houses of Congress on December 3rd 1799, however, he, again, parted from the advice of his cabinet, and stated that:
“… persevering in the pacific and humane policy which had been invariably professed and sincerely pursued by the Executive authority of the United States, when indications were made on the part of the French Republic, of a disposition to accommodate the existing differences between the two countries, I felt it my duty to prepare for meeting their advances, by a nomination of ministers upon certain conditions, which the honor of our country dictated, and which its moderation had given a right to prescribe. The assurances which were required of the French Government, previous to the departure of our envoys, have been given through their Minister of Foreign Relations, and I have directed them to proceed on their mission to Paris. They have full power to conclude a treaty, subject to the Constitutional advice and consent of the Senate …
At a period like the present, when momentous changes are occurring, and every hour is preparing new and great events in the political world, when a spirit of war is prevalent in almost every nation with whose affairs the interests of the United States have any connexion, unsafe and precarious would be our situation were we to neglect the means of maintaining our just rights. The result of the mission to France is uncertain; but, however it may terminate, a steady perseverance in a system of national defence, commensurate with our resources and the situation of the country, is an obvious dictate of wisdom: for, remotely as we are placed from the belligerent nations, and desirous as we are, by doing justice to all, to avoid offence to any, nothing short of the power of repelling aggressions will secure to our country a rational prospect of escaping the calamities of war, or national degradation …”
In response, the House of Representatives resolved :
“that so much of the speech … as relates to a system of national defence, commensurate with our resources and the situation of our country, be referred to a committee.”
While France was celebrating its new constitution, the United States, however, would not be celebrating – the nation would be in mourning at the death of General Washington on December 14th. Congress resolved that on December 26th in Philadelphia, ‘there would be a funeral procession from Congress Hall to the German Lutheran Church, in honor of the memory of General George Washington’, and an oration on his life was read by Henry Lee.
While Vice-president Jefferson had been absent from Philadelphia for ten months, and while President Adams’s speech to the opening of Congress was to be read on December 3rd, it was observed that Jefferson had deliberately delayed his departure from Monticello to return to Philadelphia, to avoid the ceremonies in General Washington’s memory (!?!), arriving on December 28th.
[this would be a premonition of Jefferson’s disdain for General Washington, and for the type of federal system of government that was established by his administration.]
Note: One of the last letters that General Washington wrote was to General Hamilton, on December 12th, on his proposal to the Secretary of War for a Military Academy, that:
“the establishment of an institution of this kind, upon a respectable and extensive basis, has ever been considered by me as an object of primary importance to this country … I sincerely hope that the subject will meet with due attention, and the reasons for its establishment, which you have so clearly pointed out in your letter to the secretary, will prevail upon the Legislature to place it upon a permanent and respectable footing.”
Upon General Washington’s death, General Hamilton assumed the responsibility over the provisional army, but he would not become the commanding officer, as President Adams would leave that position unfilled – due to Adams’s dislike of Hamilton. But, General Hamilton would become the new President General of the Society of Cincinnati.
With General Washington no longer alive to give support to the Provisional Army, on January 1st 1800, Congressman John Nicholas introduced a resolution to repeal the acts that raised the Provisional Army. The debate on the resolution began on January 7th, and Nicholas said that:
“… the idea of invasion, the only ground upon which their necessity could be founded, is quite out of the question – an event of that sort in the present state of Europe, is absolutely impossible … If there is not so great a certainty as I believe there is, the improbability of the event is so great that we cannot be justified in keeping up so expensive a preparation for it.”
But Congressman John Marshall replied that:
“… but it has been urged, not only that the army is useless, but that there is in the United States a positive inability to maintain it. To prove this, our revenue and expenditure has been stated. Suppose this had been the language of ’75? Suppose, at the commencement of our revolution, a gentleman had risen on the floor of Congress, to compare our revenue with our expenses – what would have been the result of the calculation? Would not the same system of reasoning which the gentleman from Virginia has adopted, have proved that our resources were totally inadequate to the prosecution of the war? Yet it was prosecuted, and with success. If vast exertions were then made to acquire independence, will not the same exertions be now made to maintain it? The question now is, whether self-government and national liberty be worth the money which must be expended to preserve them.”
The debate lasted 4 days, before a vote of 60 to 39 defeated the resolution.
On January 13th, Congressman Otis, from ‘the committee to whom was referred as much of the President’s speech as relates to a system of national defence, commensurate with our resources and the situation of the country’ made a report, that:
“in the opinion of the committee, no such material change in the state of the foreign relations of the United States has happened, as would justify a relinquishment of any of the means of defence heretofore adopted by Congress, but that the national honor and interest, in the present posture of affairs, make it prudent and necessary to continue prepared for the worst event; but while danger still threatens our country, yet circumstances having diminished the probability of an immediate invasion, the attention of the committee has been particularly directed to the state of the military establishment, with a view to reconcile safety with economy, to preserve the establishment, and retrench the expense … it is conceived proper to retain them, but to suspend the recruiting service until the approach of danger shall compel the government to resume it.”
Congress then received from President Adams the report prepared by the Secretary of War – for the establishment of a Military Academy [General Washington’s last wish], and for the modification of the two regiments of artillerists and engineers to become one regiment of Foot Artillerists, another regiment of Horse Artillerists, and a third regiment of Engineers. McHenry also detailed the present state of the Provisional Army – that for the 12 new regiments of infantry, 3399 men had enlisted, to date.
The House considered the committee’s report and on January 15th, resolved to suspend all new enlistments to the Provisional Army - unless war should break out or in case of imminent invasion.
On January 22nd, during this debate on the bill to suspend enlistments, an amendment was introduced by Congressman Randolph to form the already enlisted men into as many regiments as they are sufficient to complete; and to discharge the supernumerary officers. But Otis replied that:
“the question the other day was to disband the army. That was negative. Now the motion is to disband a part of it – the officers. If the officers were to be sent home and the staff pulled down and annihilated, he conceived it would be equivalent to disbanding two-thirds of the whole army, because the recruiting could not go on as soon as it probably might be wanted.”
The amendment was defeated, by a vote of 38 to 57, but the bill passed the House on January 24th, passed the Senate on February 11th – (McHenry wrote to General Hamilton on February 18th that ‘the Senate yielded to the supposed momentum of public opinion’) – and was signed into law by President Adams on February 20th.
Then, on April 3rd, the Senate introduced a bill, supplementary to the recent bill to suspend enlistments to the Provisional Army, that would make it lawful for the President ‘to suspend any further military appointments … according to his discretion, having reference to economy and the good of the service’. This bill was passed and sent to the House of representatives on April 29th.
However, in the House, on May 7th, a resolution was agreed to, that ‘it is expedient to authorize the president of the United States to discharge the additional army thereof, as soon as the state of things between the United States and the French Republic will warrant the measure’.
Then on May 10th, the House took up the Senate bill on suspending further appointments to the Provisional Army, and passed the bill but with an amendment – that the President be empowered to discharge all officers and privates (except the engineers) ‘as soon as, in his opinion, the situation of affairs between the United States and France shall be such as to render such discharge advisable’. On May 13th the Senate amended the House’s amendment, so that instead of empowering the president to discharge the Provisional Army ‘in his opinion’, it was changed to read ‘on or before the 15th of June’. This amendment was agreed to by the House, and Congress then adjourned on May 14th.
It could be assumed that the Senate reasoned that this would give the President a month, after Congress had recessed, in which he could have received some information from the three American commissioners, that would determine whether there would be a positive change in the affairs with France.
However, immediately, the very next day, President Adams wrote to McHenry:
“to transmit copies of the law for reducing the twelve regiments which passed yesterday to Major Generals Hamilton & Pinckney … to make immediate arrangements, for reducing those regiments on the 14th of June.”
Without hearing whether or not the three commissioners had arrived in Paris, without reading whether or not they had been received by the new French government, and without knowing what was the response of the French government to the American’s demands, President Adams nonetheless disbanded the Provisional Army!?!
Concerning the commissioners, on May 22nd, Charles Lee, acting as the Secretary of State, wrote to the three commissioners in Paris, that the President had not received any letters from them since April 3rd when three letters were received – a December 7th letter from Lisbon, a January 17th letter from Corunna, and a February 10th letter from Burgos; but that ‘by various European gazettes, intelligence has reached him (the President) of your safe arrival in Paris’.
[After resting for a month at Lisbon, Ellsworth and Davies had sailed for France, but due to bad weather, were instead forced to land at Corunna, Spain, and to travel overland to Paris – stopping at Burgos, Spain along the route.]
Lee would also inform them that Congress had continued the prohibition of commerce with France, and had authorized the disbanding of the Provisional Army:
“… this part of the military establishment was not deemed indispensably necessary. A considerable saving of money would be the immediate consequence; and if your negotiation should fail to restore peace and harmony between the two countries, a greater portion of the resources of the United States would remain to be expended more advantageously than in the support of an army. This alteration in the defensive system was very generally approved in the Senate and House of Representatives, just before the session was closed.”
Earlier, during those April debates for the dismantling of the Provisional Army, General Hamilton, as well as lobbying for a Military Academy, was involved in another battle in the state of New York – against Aaron Burr.
The Constitution gave each state the right to choose its own method for selecting its presidential electors – Kentucky, Maryland, North Carolina and Tennessee chose their electors by voters in each district; Rhode Island and Virginia chose their electors by voters statewide; all other states had their state legislature appoint their electors.
On May 1st 1800, elections were held for the state legislature in New York. General Hamilton organized the ‘federalist’ ticket; while Burr organized the ‘republican’ ticket, using an efficient political machinery to win – the Saint Tammany’s Society. Burr felt that if he could deliver New York into the republican camp, it would ruin Adams’s chance for re-election and throw the outcome to Jefferson – AND he could parlay that feat into a claim for second spot on the ballot under Jefferson.
Burr used the fight against the Alien and Sedition acts as a convincing campaign issue – a sarcastic petition for the repeal of the laws was prepared, and was sent to Jedediah Peck, a former judge and an elected state legislator from Otsego county, who it was decided should be made the instrument of this demonstration of ‘federalist’ tyranny. Peck made himself extremely active in the securing of signatures, was soon denounced to the federal authorities, arrested by a U.S. Marshal under the Sedition Act (!) and sent to New York in chains – under the sympathetic gaze of the enraged populace. He would later be released without trial.
After 3 days of balloting, the republicans had swept the city of New York, and now controlled the state legislature, while the federalists still controlled the state senate. But the republican gains were enough to give them a majority of the combined houses – by one vote – that allowed them to choose 12 republican presidential electors. Jefferson could now count on 12 electoral votes from New York, where he had received none in the 1796 election.
But President Adams instead blamed this loss on General Hamilton!
On May 20th, Secretary of War, James McHenry wrote to his nephew about the effect that the New York election had upon President Adams, that:
“we have had for some time past a disjointed cabinet … Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Pickering and myself were decidedly of opinion that the mission to France might have been happily dispensed with. We thought the situation in which the country then was, the most desirable in which it could be placed, or kept, during the existence of the war in Europe … The President disregarding these considerations, from a different view of the subject, or looking only to his own election, and measuring the operation of the mission upon it, could be well with nobody who did not think well of the mission …
From that moment, I began to perceive a new set of principles were to be introduced, and that the acts of administration were, as far as practicable to be made subservient to electioneering purposes. Every day increased his alarm on this subject, and distrust of those gentlemen near him, who did not constantly feed him with news or hopes flattering to his election. At times he would speak in a manner of certain men and things, as to persuade one that he was actually insane ...
He requested to see me on the 5th instant. The business appeared to relate to the appointment of a Purveyor, and to disembarrass himself of any engagement on that head. This settled, he took up other subjects, became indecorous and at times outrageous … In short there was no bounds to his jealousy. I had done nothing right. I had advised a suspension of the mission. Everybody blamed me for my official conduct and I must resign.”
McHenry resigned the next day (to be effective on June 1st). On May 31st, McHenry sent President Adams ‘a statement of the substance and incidents of the conversation which passed between them the evening preceding the resignation of his office, committed to writing immediately afterwards’ that showed his enraged state of mind, his hatred of Hamilton, and the reasons why he wanted McHenry’s resignation, that:
“… Hamilton has been opposing me in New York. He has caused the loss of the election. No head of a department shall be permitted to oppose me … I know it, Sir, to be so … you are subservient to him, Sir. It was you who biased General Washington’s mind (who hesitated) and induced him to place Hamilton on the list of Major Generals, before Generals Knox and Pinckney … even General Washington’s death, and the eulogiums upon him have been made use of as engines to injure and lower me in the eyes of the public, and you know it, Sir …
I cannot overlook your arrogant and dictatorial behavior to me in the comment you made on the anonymous letter I shewed to you some time since. That letter recommended it to me to take the chief command of the army from General Hamilton, and to give it to some one of the other gentlemen named in it … (you) said, the advice of the letter writer, if followed, would put between Hamilton and me eternal enmity. I felt at your observation the utmost indignation, and could hardly forbear ordering you out of the room. …
Hamilton is an intriguant – the greatest intriguant in the world – a man devoid of every moral principle – a bastard, and as much a foreigner as Gallatin. Mr. Jefferson is an infinitely better man; a wiser one, I am sure, and, if President, will act wisely. I know it, and would rather be Vice–President under him, or even Minister Resident at the Hague, than indebted to such a being as Hamilton for the presidency …
You are subservient to Hamilton, who ruled Washington, and would still rule if he could. Washington saddled me with three Secretaries who would control me, but I shall take care of that … You are all mere children, who can give no assistance in such matters … You cannot, Sir, remain longer in Office.”
McHenry also sent a copy of this memo to General Hamilton.
On May 10th, President Adams wrote to Pickering asking for his resignation, who replied on May 12th that:
“I had, indeed, contemplated a continuance in office until the fourth of March next; when, if Mr. Jefferson were elected President (an event which in your conversation with me last week you considered as certain) I expected to go out of course … Nevertheless, after deliberately reflecting on the overture you have been pleased to make to me, I do not feel it to be my duty to resign.”
President Adams immediately wrote back that:
“diverse causes and considerations essential to the administration of the government, in my judgment requiring a change in the Department of State you are hereby discharged from any further service as Secretary of State.”
President Adams then sent to the Senate, his nominations of ‘the honorable John Marshall Esqr. of Virginia to be Secretary of State’ and of ‘the honorable Samuel Dexter Esqr. of Massachusetts to be Secretary of the Department of War’. On May 27th, President Adams left to visit the new capitol in the 10-mile square District of Columbia, where he was joined by Marshall and Dexter, before leaving them to return home to Quincy.
[next week - chapter 21 - Letter Concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams, October 24th 1800]
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