The Unveiling of Canadian History, Volume 4.
To Shining Sea – Ireland, Haiti, and Louisiana, and the Idea of a Continental Republic, 1797 – 1804.
Part 2 – The Haitian Frontier
Chapter 17 - The Secret Convention of June 13th 1799
While the American government was preparing its negotiations for the opening up of trade with Saint-Domingue, and while the British Empire was preparing its negotiations to contain and control this trade so as to use Saint-Domingue as a pawn in their war against France, General Toussaint was trying to negotiate through this narrow opening in order to preserve Saint-Domingue’s newly-won freedom, while also warding off the intrigues of the French Directory to use Saint-Domingue as a pawn in their war against Britain.
British General Thomas Maitland
In London, rumors spread about Maitland’s (August 31st 1798) secret agreement with General Toussaint. Rufus King, United States minister to Britain, enquired of the British ministry whether Maitland had recognized General Toussaint as the head of an independent state? If so, the United States had equal rights to trade with him. If not, then the United States couldn’t permit British ships to carry any cargoes from the United States to Saint-Domingue – since American law now banned trade with France and her dominions. And, provisions that British ships exchanged for Saint-Domingue sugar and coffee might be used to outfit privateers that were attacking American shipping.
The British response was a proposal to set up a joint trade company as an Anglo-American monopoly to trade with Saint-Domingue, allowing only manufactures from Britain and only produce and livestock from the United States. King replied that this was (constitutionally) impossible for the United States to agree to, and that trade should be open to both American and British merchants. King and the British ministry agreed that a British agent should be sent to Philadelphia to negotiate with the American government, and that the agent was to be General Maitland himself. On April 3rd, Sir Robert Liston, the British minister plenipotentiary to the United States, along with General Maitland, arrived at Philadelphia to meet with Pickering and to discuss Saint-Domingue.
On April 5th 1799, Pickering wrote to President Adams that:
“Mr. King’s letters brought by General Maitland, & which I have now decyphered, exhibit the tenor of his conversations with the British ministry concerning the commerce of St. Domingo. It is plain that they contemplate the independence of that French colony, as a very possible – or rather, a very probable event. They have considered its effects upon the future condition of their own colonies in the West Indies; and viewing those effects as inevitable, are only solicitous to postpone them to as distant a period as possible. Hence their anxiety to fix some restraints on the commerce with St. Domingo …
Their fears are of the poison of French principles among the blacks in their own Islands; and they observe that we have equal cause for apprehension in respect to our southern states; and as I understand them, the main object of imposing some restraints on the commerce with St. Domingo, is to guard against that evil. They think at the same time, that Great Britain & the United States may very easily and justly enjoy that commerce exclusively of all other nations.”
On April 17th, President Adams replied to Pickering, concerning the British proposals for Saint-Domingue and their implications for America’s foreign policy, that:
“the whole affair leads to the independence of the West Indies islands, & although I may be mistaken, it appears to me, that independence is the worst & most dangerous condition, they can be in for the United States. They would be less dangerous, under the government of England, France, Spain or Holland all together, and least of all, under the same powers in parcels & divisions, as they are now. This opinion however is liable to so much uncertainty, that no great dependence can be placed upon it. Upon the projects proposed by the British Ministry, a great number of questions arise. Will not the projected, partial, limited & restrained independence of St Domingo, excite alarms & jealousies in Spain & Holland such as will attach them & subject them more entirely to France, & in Denmark & Sweden so as to make them more timid, if not more complaisant to France? Will it not involve us in a more inveterate and durable hostility with France, Spain & Holland, & subject us more to the policy of Britain, than will be consistent with our interest or honor? These questions may all be useless, because the independence of St Domingo & consequently of all the other islands in the West Indies, & of the Spanish, Dutch & Portuguese possessions on the continent, may be brought about, without our interference & indeed in opposition to all that we can do to prevent it.”
Further, concerning those British proposals for trade, he wrote that:
“the project of a joint company is certainly liable to all the objections which occurred to Mr. King, & although the English government would meet with no difficulty, we should certainly find it very difficult to manage. My own ideas are these.
1. that it would be most prudent for us to have nothing to do in the business.
2. that if we should meddle, we had better leave the independence of the island complete & total in commerce as well as legislation to the people who assert it, the inhabitants of the island.
3d. that if this is not the sense of the English, we had better leave the whole management of the affair to them.
4th. that if they think fit, they may stipulate that we shall have a right to accede to the treaty they make, when we can, within a certain period of one, two, or three years.
5th. that we should accede to it, provided the senate advise & consent as soon as it shall be determined that no negotiation with France is likely to take place with effect.
6th. that we remain faithful to our promise, to open our commerce with the island, as soon as privateering shall cease.
7th. Although these are my prevailing opinions & inclinations, I am by no means fixed in them or bigotted to them.”
The meetings between Maitland and Liston, and Pickering and Wolcott, ended on April 20th and they arrived at an informal agreement (of 7 points) to be proposed to General Toussaint by Maitland, including that –
“1. It is understood that Great Britain and the United States have a common interest in preventing the dissemination of dangerous principles among the slaves of their respective countries; and that they will mutually and sincerely attend to that interest, to guard against the danger here alluded to in consequence of the proposed intercourse with St. Domingo.
2. That any infringement of the contemplated regulations which may be agreed upon with Toussaint, and which will constitute the basis of the determination of the two nations, respectively, to open a commercial intercourse with St. Domingo, or any hostility commenced, or manifestly intended, on his part, against either, shall lead to an immediate suspension of intercourse with that island, on the part of both nations, while the laws of the United States authorize such a suspension on their part …”
On April 23rd, Maitland left Philadelphia for Saint-Domingue with the ‘heads of regulations’ agreement; and Pickering sent to President Adams a paper illustrating the British proposals and a report with Pickering’s observations on the paper (that had been approved by the Heads of the other Departments). President Adams replied that:
“I can see no rational objections to any of the seven articles ultimately signed by all the heads of departments …”
Stevens had arrived at Cap Francais on April 18th, and had met with General Toussaint and Philippe Roume, the French Directory’s agent, to begin negotiations. While General Toussaint agreed with Stevens, Roume at first disagreed with Steven’s proposal, but after examining a written copy of Steven’s presentation, agreed to a proclamation.
On May 3rd, Stevens wrote to Pickering on concluding the negotiations with General Toussaint, that:
“1. The most effectual means have been used to call in the privateers of this colony, and annul their commissions. And I can assure you, with confidence, that methods equally effectual, will be taken to prevent them from being renewed.
2. The property of the citizens of the United States will no longer be liable to be seized by the government. Both that, and their persons, will in future be considered as sacred, and all their transactions with the Administration, be conducted on the principles of equity, and by mutual consent.
3. The armed vessels of the United States, both public, and private, as well as mere merchant vessels, will be permitted freely to enter the ports of the island to victual, water, and refit, and will in all respects be received, and treated as friends.
4. All vessels belonging to the United States, captured and carried into the ports of St. Domingo after the publication of the arret, will be immediately released.
I urged very strongly the necessity of excluding from the ports of St. Domingo all French armed vessels commissioned elsewhere; but it was thought impolitic to insert such an article in a public instrument, which allowed a permission of entering these ports, to the armed vessels of America. There was no hesitation however in privately granting what I desired … except under circumstances, which would induce any civilized nation, to afford them an asylum, such as stress of weather, want of provisions, etc.”
The next day, May 4th, Maitland arrived at Cap Francais to negotiate with General Toussaint (and Stevens).
While General Toussaint did not trust the British – having fought against their invasion for five years – however, because of the British naval superiority, any agreement with the United States would be useless, without an agreement for protection from the British.
A ‘secret’ agreement was reached between General Toussaint and Maitland on May 22nd, and on June 13th, the ‘heads of regulations’ (agreed to between Maitland and Pickering) was added to the secret agreement. General Toussaint desired that only the ports of Le Cap Francais and Port-au-Prince would be opened to American commerce, and that the vessels should there receive passports to go to the other ports within his jurisdiction – preventing commerce with the ports in the South province, under Rigaud. The British ships were to be admitted to all ports on the island.
Despite the pledge of secrecy, Sir Hyde Parker, the Admiral of the British Caribbean fleet, had translated and distributed copies of the ‘secret’ agreement to all his captains so that they would be aware of the new passport rules! Roume and Rigaud knew of every detail of the negotiations!
On May 23rd, Stevens had written to General Maitland that new orders from the French Directory had been sent for a planned invasion of Jamaica, and that:
“Rigaud (to acquire their confidence) has, at length, disclaimed the authority of Toussaint, and is, at this instant, busily employed in levying troops for the purpose ... Toussaint is determined to prevent this expedition, in conformity to his treaty with you. He has forbidden Rigaud to continue his preparations, and is resolved to march against him and reduce him to obedience.”
Rigaud had his agents in Mole St. Nicolas publish a bogus treaty between General Toussaint and the British – claiming that:
“St. Domingo was to be sold to the British Government, and once more brought under the yoke of slavery”;
and he also had published a letter sent to him from Hedouville, that:
“as a result of the ambition and perfidy of General Toussaint Louverture, who has sold himself to the British, the emigres, and the Americans, and has violated the most solemn agreements, I find myself obliged to leave the colony. I hereby relieve you, Citizen General, of the obligation to recognize him as your Commander-in-Chief and instruct you to assume command of the Department of the South, as delineated by the Law of 4 Brumaire.”
Note: The Law of 4 Brumaire had enlarged the Department of the South (at the expense of that of the Department of the West) and had placed the important garrison towns of Leogane and Jacmel, and the towns of Petit-Goave and Grand-Goave under Rigaud’s jurisdiction.
After the departure of Hedouville, Toussaint had asked Philippe Roume, the French Commissioner at Santo Domingo City, to replace Hedouville and to become the Agent for Saint-Domingue at Le Cap Francais. Roume disapproved of Hedouville’s plan of pitting the ‘negroes’ against the ‘mulattoes’ and, wishing to undo the damage, he called a conference at Port-au-Prince between Toussaint and Rigaud, to iron out the difference resulting from the Law of 4 Brumaire. But the conference settled nothing.
Rigaud now broke off all communication with General Toussaint, and on June 16th sent 4,000 men to attack the towns of Petit-Goave and Grand-Goave, that were held by a garrison of 700 men and loyal to General Toussaint, but who were forced to retreat. At the same time, before General Toussaint could launch a counterattack, on the signal of Rigaud, a revolt of the mulattoes erupted in the West province – at Port-au-Prince and Saint Marc, and in the North province – at Mole St. Nicolas, Port-au-Paix, Le Cap Francais and Fort Dauphin. General Toussaint sent a 20,000-man army to Leogane to stop the advance of Rigaud’s army, and then led the rest of his troops in suppressing the mulatto uprisings - that finally ended with his capture of Mole St. Nicolas on October 29th.
On June 25th, a Proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, by an act of Congress passed on February 9th 1799, that:
“the arrangements which have been made at St. Domingo, for the safety of the commerce of the United States, and for the admission of American vessels into certain ports of that island, do, in my opinion, render it expedient, and for the interest of the United States, to renew a commercial intercourse with such ports … [and] do hereby remit and discontinue the restraints and prohibitions therein contained …
It shall be lawful for vessels … to enter the ports of Cape Francois and Port Republicain, formerly called Port-au-Prince, in the said island of St. Domingo … [and] to depart from thence to any port in said island between Monte Christi, on the north, and Petit Goave, on the west, provided it be done with the consent of the Government of St. Domingo, and pursuant to certificates or passports expressing such consent, signed by the consul general of the United States … All vessels sailing in contravention of these regulations will be out of the protection of the United States, and be, moreover, liable to capture, seizure, and confiscation.”
On July 11th, Captain Silas Talbot – back from the Caribbean, with the USS Constitution moored in Boston harbor, visited President Adams at his home in Quincy, to discuss the situation in Saint-Domingue, but also to offer President Adams his resignation – if Captain Truxton was made his superior. After Truxton’s capture of the French frigate, L’Insurgent, Stoddert had awarded Truxton the rank of Commodore – over the other navy captains. President Adams however agreed, not with his Navy Secretary, but with Talbot, that he should be the senior captain.
On July 23rd, President Adams wrote to Stoddert that:
“I have acted in giving Talbot a commission to take rank from the day of his appointment as a Captain in the navy in 1794 … Truxton is a new man in the service of the United States. Talbot has served them very long.”
That same day, on July 23rd, Commodore Talbot and the USS Constitution sailed from Boston to return to its station at Saint-Domingue.
[next week - chapter 18 - the Coup of 18th Brumaire, November 10th 1799]
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